Understanding Why is Iraq a Disaster?
Several Democrats
and even some Republicans
have attributed the disaster in Iraq to the way in which the war was fought.
There have been calls for
Secretary of Defense Donald RumsfeldÕs resignation. Certainly the Pentagon
in fighting this war has made serious errors. From the beginning, when looting
broke out, the
military had no plans to bring order to the country. In fact, Rumsfeld and
other high Defense Department officials had no plans for what to do after the
conquest of the country. The dismissal
of the Iraqi army has also been blamed for the outbreak of chaos and
violence. Many observers, including some who were strong supporters of the
invasion, have attributed the inability to stamp out the insurgency to an insufficient
number of troops. Rumsfeld, who
has been actively pushing a lean military dependent on high tech weapons rather
than boots on the ground, has resisted calls for more soldiers. Without doubt
lack of planning and errors in judgment have contributed to the growing
insurgency.
Many military
experts have attributed the growth and strength of the violence to the failure
to employ valid counter-insurgency
tactics. Little effort was made, they argue, to win the minds and hearts of
local inhabitants. Shooting first and asking questions later may be the safest
tactic in the short run, but it builds hatred and anger as innocent women and
children are killed or maimed. Whether it would have been possible to win over
the public is open to debate. The coalition forces did not occupy the Kurdish
north and the Kurds
have remained largely supportive of the Americans. Some of the Shias who had
suffered from Saddam HusseinÕs reign did initially welcome the toppling of his
regime. To this day, a number of them still support the coalition forces. The British
contingent, concentrated in the southern part of Iraq, which is primarily
Shia, have bragged that they have been able to patrol without helmets and have
had a good relationship with the local people. Unfortunately this benign
occupation has become more violent; no longer is the south peaceful. The level
of violence, however, is still less than that in the Sunni areas. Whether the
relative success in the south is attributable to better efforts at winning the
hearts and minds of the population or whether it is that the local people
gained greatly by the overthrow of Saddam HusseinÕs Sunni regime is again open to
argument. It is probably both; but, as we are seeing, violence is increasing in
Shia areas as well and leading figures from that sect are calling for resisting
the occupation.
In the sections
of the country that are primarily Sunni, violence has been unrelenting. The Sunnis have been strongly opposed
to the occupation and the toppling of their leader, Saddam. No matter how hard
the military tried, the chances that American troops could have won the hearts and
minds of many Sunnis seem remote.
Another school
of thought claims that the Iraqis/Arabs
are not ready for democracy. There is nothing in their history to suggest
the willingness to compromise and allow others to exercise limited powers that
characterize a democracy. In multi-ethnic societies, compromise is not easy.
Most countries that contain differing ethnic or tribal groups have difficulty
managing a democratic government. Typically one of the groups will seize power
and put down the others. Switzerland
is one of the few multi-ethnic societies that work and it does so by
relegating most powers to the various cantons; the central government handles
mainly foreign affairs and defense. Iraq is made up of various groups, but the
largest is the Shias, who have been dominated by the Sunnis in the past. Thus
the tensions and simmering conflicts make a working democracy very improbable.
Only a federal state whose central government had weak powers would have much
chance of being viable.
Blaming the
chaos in Iraq on a failure of planning or on a failure to use the correct
tactics is similar to the effort by some Marxists
to blame the fall of communism in the Soviet Union on a failure to practice
communism correctly. It never addresses the root issue: the war could not be
won; it was a colossal mistake.
While all the
factors listed above make the occupation more difficult, they ignore the basic
problem: that is, a foreign power occupies Iraq. Not only is it foreign, but it
is Christian and Iraqis are almost all Muslims. Many Muslims, if not most, see
the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq as a modern version of the Crusades.
While to most Westerners and especially Americans, the Crusades are simply an
episode in ancient history with no relevance to today, the Arabs feel quite
differently. They see the foundation of Israel as an effort by the West to
retake the Holy Land of Palestine. Although it is Jews who are doing the
occupying, many Muslims think that is simply part of a new Christian Crusade.
The Muslims see the Jews expanding from their original mandate to occupy more
and more of Palestine. The recent invasion of Lebanon fits their perception of
the advance of Christianity/Judaism into the Middle East.
Some Evangelical
Christians adhere to the view that Jewish occupation of greater Palestine
will lead to the Second Coming, in which those that do not accept Christ, Jews
and Muslims alike, will be damned to eternal Hell. These fundamentalists,
therefore, support IsraelÕs occupation of and settlements in the West Bank.
Muslims point to those American religious groups in support of their own
perception that the U.S. invaded Iraq to subjugate Muslims who oppose the Jewish
state and its efforts to occupy the Holy Land.
Being part of
the largely secular West, it is hard for most Americans to understand the depth
of feeling that the occupation of an Arab/Muslim country generates. The history
of the British
experience in Iraq would indicate that occupying and holding that country
would be a bloody and violent enterprise. When the British put together Iraq at
the end of World War I, they experienced a growing insurgency, which ultimately
forced them to withdraw. The U.S. is simply following in their steps with the
same result — violence directed against the occupier. Sooner or later we
will have to follow the British example and pullout. Later means more deaths
and more violence. The sooner we get out of this disaster, the better.