What
legitimate inferences can be made from the 1999 release of SAT-9
scores with respect to the impact of Proposition 227 on the performance
of LEP students?
Click
here for a more polished but shorter text version (pdf format) prepared
for the NABE Newsletter (August, 1999)
Kenji Hakuta
Professor of Education, Stanford University
(650) 725-7454
hakuta@leland.stanford.edu
July 23, 1999
Here are my preliminary observations:
- Scores for LEP students increased somewhat from 1998 to 1999,
especially in Grades 2 and 3 across the board. This can be seen
in statewide scores for LEP students. Click
here for the statewide statistics. (Statistics for "All
Students" is also included for reference). It should not
alarm anyone that the scores for LEP students did not increase
as much in the higher grades, because as students get into the
higher grades, those who do well on SAT-9 (and other measures
of English proficiency) are "redesignated" into non-LEP,
and so their scores are not included in the LEP statistics. Thus,
the students who perform well on these tests are weeded out of
the statistics.
- The rises can be seen in scores for LEP students in districts
that claim to have faithfully implemented Proposition 227, such
as Oceanside, as
well as in districts that have maintained various forms of bilingual
education, such as Vista
Unified, Santa Ana Unified, and Ocean View Elementary School Districts.
At present, there is no scientifically defensible way to compare
districts that have implemented 227 and those that have maintained
bilingual programs. Both show positive changes, especially in
2nd grade.
- Dramatic rises in SAT-9 scores can be found for native speakers
of English at these grade levels in schools that registered very
low SAT-9 scores in 1998. Focusing on 3rd grade data, my research
group (Yuko Goto Butler, Evelyn Orr, Jacob Mishook and Michelle
Bousquet) randomly identified 30 schools using State Department
of Education data from 1998 in which there were fewer than 3%
LEP students, but in which the average National Percentile Rank
score was low (<27th percentile) in Reading for 1998. We tracked
the changes in these schools for 1999. The preliminary data (not
yet double-checked for accuracy) shows an average increase of
8 percentile scores from 1998 to 1999 in these schools in reading.
Similar gains were also seen in math and language scores for these
schools. Click here for
the table displaying results from the 30 schools. These gains
are not attributable to Proposition 227.
- Rises can also be seen in SAT-9 scores for LEP students at 3rd
grade. We randomly sampled 26 schools that had high proportions
of LEP students (>80%), and who had low reading scores in SAT-9
for 1998 (<10th percentile). We also traced the changes in
these schools for 1999. The preliminary data (again, not yet double-checked
for accuracy) shows an average increase of 4 percentile scores
from 1998 to 1999 in these schools in reading, and comparable
gains in math and language. Click
here for the table displaying results from the 26 schools.
We do not know the extent to which these schools implemented Proposition
227. It is notable that Oceanside Unified School District, which
has been proposed as the model for Proposition 227 implementation,
showed a gain of 3 percentile points in reading for 3rd grade
(from 9th to 12th). This is below the average gain found in this
sample of schools.
The conclusion I reach from this pattern is as follows: The increases
in scores for SAT-9 from 1998 to 1999 for LEP students need to be
considered in light of the overall gains in scores found across
the state for all students. LEP students rose, as did non-LEP students.
LEP students in English-only programs rose, as did LEP students
in bilingual programs. And, native English speakers in low-performing
schools made gains as did LEP students in low-performing schools.
These gains are probably the result of a combination of things:
the fact that the schools and districts have gotten used to the
tests and taken them more seriously (this is typically found in
the second year of testing programs, as is the case for SAT-9 in
California -- last year was the first time); the fact that a variety
of other initiatives such as class-size reduction is taking effect;
in the case of the low-scoring schools, the fact that statistically,
low scores tend to rise (scores on the low end tend to be very unstable
and tend to rise because they are more likely to go up than to go
down -- something that statisticians call "regression to the
mean"); and a host of other uncontrolled factors.
The policy conclusion I reach is that no one should be delighted
by the fact that the overall performance of LEP students and poor,
native English speakers is very low on these standardized tests.
These data should be mined further to determine why increases and
decreases happened, and we should learn from the instances where
high achievement can be found. But I am delighted that policy makers
and the public, because of these data, have become concerned about
the achievement of LEP students, and I am hopeful that this will
lead to a deep and profound inquiry into how we can do better for
the students. I have long argued (as did the National
Research Council) that focusing exclusively on whether one should
teach only in English or using the native language is a major distraction
that occurs at the expense of coming to serious grips with how to
improve schools. I hope that this experience with trying to interpret
the most recent release of SAT-9 data will convince the public that
we should stop pointing the finger at bilingual programs, and get
into a serious discussion of improving schools, whether English-only
or bilingual.
A final note is in order about the incorrect claim by proponents
of Proposition 227 who claim on their website (http://www.onenation.org)
that "the Oceanside test scores revealed ... average percentile
increases ranged from 120% in mathematics to over 180% in reading."
We have been unable to determine exactly how they came up with these
numbers. If you have a bit of taste for math, read on. Looking at
the Oceanside data, even the most optimistic
picture taking the very highest percentile increase in reading is
from 12 to 23 (an 11 percentile point increase) in reading for the
2nd grade, and from 18 to 32 (a 14 percentile point increase) in
math for the 2nd grade. None of these increases even in these best-case
scenarios approaches the claim about a 120% to 180% increase. Their
claim is probably based on taking the percentile point increase,
and putting it in comparison to the 1998 base score (i.e., for the
increase from 12 to 23, one might divide 23 by 12, and come up with
about 190%). But this method is simply erroneous. If you start with
a low base, any increase will end up as a much higher percent increase.
A school starting at the 50th percentile (the national average)
that goes up the same amount of 12 percentile points to 62, using
the same division, will show only a 124% increase. By the same token,
for a school at the 50th percentile to have the same amount of increase
of 190%, it would have to increase its score to the 95th percentile!
And, to carry it to the extreme, a school going from a percentile
score of 1 to 2 (not a very respectable level of achievement) would
have a 200% increase. To generalize, by this method, if you start
low, then you don't have to go up very much to show a high rate
of increase. To drive the point in another way, if you look at the
statewide statistics
for LEP and for All Students, just taking reading in 2nd grade,
LEP students go from 19 to 23, and All Students go from 39 to 43.
Both of these are 4 percentile point increases. That is the appropriate
way to report statistics. But applying the erroneous method, it
would show 23/19 = 121% increase for LEP students, and 43/39 = 110%
increase for All Students. Does this mean that LEP students increased
more than All Students, and therefore that we should accept the
claim of a resounding success for Proposition 227? Mais non,
monsieur! They both increased by 4 percentile points. Any claim
that Propostion 227 worked is bunk. Punto.
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